Yes, that’s the same Hubert Humphrey whom those of us who came of age in the late 1960s remember as the incarnation of a shopworn Cold War liberalism, the martyr of the cataclysmic 1968 Democratic convention. Maybe, to take one example, our current system of immigration, which delivers a wonderfully diverse world to cosmopolites and cheap workers to employers, is a raw deal for working-class whites.Hubert Humphrey had no illusions about the deplorables of his day, whether Communists or racists; but he did believe that the ordinary American was open to a message of collective responsibility and common purpose. Click to email this to a friend (Opens in new window) Audio mp3 of Address. Once the Great Society began to confer rights and privileges on black people beyond the Jim Crow South, whites who, whatever the truth of their behavior, had no consciousness of having kept blacks down began to feel that their abstract commitment to the cause of civil rights carried a very real cost. He promised to bring in Frank Hague, the boss of New Jersey, and the other big-city wheelhorses. We’ve got to do it.” Flynn had not suddenly turned Lutheran moralist: He knew that the party couldn’t afford to lose black and Jewish voters to Wallace. Sorry, your blog cannot share posts by email.

In the end, the Democrats’ commitment to civil rights required the majority to agree to sacrifice privileges—unearned privileges, to be sure—on behalf of the minority. Johnson thus proposed, and Congress passed, the cataract of legislation that constituted the Great Society and led to the creation of the Office of Economic Opportunity, Head Start, VISTA, the Job Corps, the Model Cities Program.

For the Democratic Party, and for Hubert Humphrey, 1968 was a kind of Calvary. And Humphrey had come to Philadelphia determined to commit the Democrats to the one issue that cried out for a politics of conviction: civil rights. He initially waged a lonely progressive battle against the Southern senators who dominated … If it’s not the case, then Democrats and liberals need to ask themselves where they went wrong. Enter your email address to subscribe to this blog and receive notifications of new posts by email. This is hardly a new insight; the neoconservatives built a movement on it. Humphrey entered the Senate with Lyndon Johnson in 1949. So, I’m writing a book on Hubert Humphrey and LBJ. Seventy years ago, on the night of July 14, 1948, Hubert Humphrey, speaking at the Democratic convention in the Philadelphia Convention Hall, changed the course of the Democratic Party, and of post-war American politics. In 1947 he had helped found Americans for Democratic Action, the leading organ of the anti-Communist left. The Democrats had finally shed their 19th-century skin, the old Jeffersonian individualism into which the Southern defense of racial domination had been stitched. click for pdf click for flash [AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio.]

In this lesson, we will learn about the 1968 Presidential Campaign of Hubert Humphrey, the Democratic Party's nominee. The Democratic presidential candidate believed that the ordinary American was open to a message of collective responsibility and common purpose.Seventy years ago, on the night of July 14, 1948, Hubert Humphrey, speaking at the Democratic convention in the Philadelphia Convention Hall, changed the course of the Democratic Party, and of post-war American politics. Yet Humphrey’s campaign, while it was weakened by the intra-party split over Vietnam, was ultimately undone in the realm that had been the source of his rise, that of civil rights. This Humphrey was the maverick mayor of Minneapolis, the Happy Warrior whom Time had put on its cover under the banner, “The number one prospect for liberalism in the country.” In 1948, “liberalism” operated as a synonym for energy, optimism, and, above all, idealism. The Hubert Humphrey of 1948 already sported the widow’s peak that would become pronounced later in life; he had the Sunday-school earnestness of a Midwestern druggist—which he was—and the unquenchable zeal of a reformer.

Both made modest inroads among middle-class white voters.Yet today far more whites see the Democrats as the party of liberal elites and their minority clients than was true in 1968. President Lyndon Johnson had said he wasn’t seeking reelection and the Democrats nominated vice president Hubert Humphrey. Here’s my thoughts: 1/ Seventy years ago, on the night of July 14, 1948, Hubert Humphrey, speaking at the Democratic convention in the Philadelphia Convention Hall, changed the course of the Democratic Party, and of post-war American politics.

Maybe; or maybe we would have found a way around the problem. Idealists were shearing off from the Democrats to Wallace.

This Humphrey was the maverick mayor of Minneapolis, the Happy Warrior whom Time had put on its cover under the banner, “The number one prospect for liberalism in the country.” In 1948, “liberalism” operated as a synonym for energy, optimism, and, above all, idealism. Yes, that’s the same Hubert Humphrey whom those of us who came of age in the late 1960s remember as the incarnation of a shopworn Cold War liberalism, the martyr of the cataclysmic 1968 Democratic convention.

Maybe democratic politics can’t ask that much.In fact, one can think of a still darker moral: Bill Clinton spent eight years laboring mightily to remove the taint of the Great Society, including by signing a welfare-reform bill so harsh that many Democrats could not swallow it. I certainly took that view at the time, from the safety of my fancy all-white suburban public school.

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